This is a re-run from the old Emphasis Added, originally posted July 25, 2005. It's in line with my current interests and seemed like it was worth a re-post.
Imagine for a moment that technology, globalization and other “big trend” factors have transformed the US
economy such that the only good job prospects are in the construction
industry. In this world, construction work enjoys not only high
economic status, but high cultural status. Prime time is filled with
light comedies featuring affluent, attractive young roofers and
carpenters; the tastes and values of this class of worker are
celebrated in magazines and talked about on news shows. And because of
declining prospects elsewhere in the US economy, displaced information
workers and “symbolic analysts” in fields like finance, engineering,
law, marketing, human resources and software development are encouraged
to seek retraining, so they can profit from successful new careers in
ditch-digging or cement pouring. “Making the most of the transition
through education” is the policy makers’ solution, in lieu of any
effort to preserve information work jobs, which are seen as wildly
susceptible to outsourcing and the ticket to a permanent spot in the
underclass.
Perhaps
this scenario doesn’t interest you much, given its implausibility. But
because of my professional role as a cheerleader for the information
work economy, I can’t help thinking that the prevailing social,
political, educational and analytic approach to occupational
re-alignment has a certain poverty of perspective.
Here’s
the thing: I’m a fairly bright guy in average physical condition, but
I’ve always been a hopeless klutz with tools. If my economic survival
were based on my ability to compete in a construction-centric economy,
I’d be lucky to find minimum wage work. If the goals and orientation of
my education were to prepare me for a life in construction, I’d have
likely found the curriculum boring and irrelevant. I may have lost
interest in education entirely and dropped out, or found marginal
service-type work because I realistically appraised that neither my
temperament nor my natural talents suited the economic opportunities
that society presented. I probably would have resented the cultural
sway of the dominant economic and occupational class and those people
whose family or social background naturally inculcated them with the
skills and values to succeed in a field that my “book smart” upbringing
never prepared me for. I would certainly be receptive to any political
message that promised to stand up for my values and my economic
interests, and ignore “sophisticated” arguments that such messages were
actually manipulative and exploitive demagoguery. Would all of this
make me somehow deserving of my inferior social and economic status,
despite my being possessed of the same basic humanity and moral
character in this alternative world that I am here today, where I am
economically successful?
It’s a troubling question. America
in recent decades has become more sensitive to cultural diversity, but
somehow less concerned about economic and occupational diversity.
There’s an implicit assumption that one’s occupation is more mutable
than cultural, religious or ethnic identity; that people, as economic
creatures, will adjust their perspectives on work in response to a
rational appraisal of the job market: in other words, that we will
follow the money.
This
is true to a great extent, but it’s not as true as it needs to be for a
capitalist society to successfully weather a profound economic
transition. The fluidity of labor will never match the fluidity of
capital. Money doesn’t resist being taken out of real estate and put
into the stock market. Money is indifferent as to whether its generated
through rents or value-added processes. In an open economy, money
passes with little friction from country to country, from use to use,
instantly and without pain of adjustment.
By
contrast, workers will change employers if conditions demand, but many
would prefer steady work to the uncertainties of having to always be
looking for the next opportunity. Some people have an ambition to climb
through the ranks and levels of an organization, acquiring new skills
and responsibilities, but many would prefer to show up day after day
with little change to their routine. Some people may find the concept
of changing careers several times in the course of their working life
challenging and exciting; others are liable to view the prospect with
dread and alarm. These are human reactions, morally and psychologically
defensible in spite of their limited economic utility. As such, they
represent a drag on the adaptability of labor that capital, by its
nature, doesn’t have to face.
Globalism
and technology exacerbate this irreducible inequality of labor and
capital. As transactions become more complex and abstract, the human
skills associated with the creation of wealth have become more complex
and abstract. Work such as agriculture, construction and manufacturing
has lost value relative to information work (the creation and
manipulation of intellectual rather than physical property). This shift
in value has been accompanied by a societal shift towards the values
and assumptions of the information worker class.
What makes the transition to the information work economy so disruptive in America is that we seem incapable of discussing the full dimensions of it honestly. America’s
mythology of the classless society demands that we ignore the heavy
burdens and extreme demands we are placing on workers whose skills,
temperament, values and priorities substantially handicap them in an
information-centric economy. Capitalism has no good answer for the
textile worker who doesn’t want to be retrained as a
LAN administrator because she finds the work boring and stupid, or for
the worker who is unmotivated by promises of advancement and new
responsibilities because he prefers a simple routine.
Instead,
we celebrate change, celebrate flexibility, and celebrate ambition,
because it is only these characteristics that give labor any hope of
maintaining some kind of parity with capital in a globalized world. The
best we can do for workers is give them tools to adapt and be more
productive: technology, education, communication channels and
communities.
This is helpful to a point, but doesn’t address the moral dilemma at the heart of the economic transition. That is, in America,
we are comfortable accepting high levels of economic inequality on the
presumption that those at the bottom have, in some way, chosen to reject the possibilities for economic advancement that society offers them.
I’m
not talking about lazy, inert, sociopathic or ineducable people, but
those who cling to old ideas about work – that it’s sufficient to show
up and do a days’ work without having to compete for advancement all
the time; that it’s more rewarding to work with one’s hands, or work
outside; that “information work” skills are confusing, frustrating and
basically irrelevant; that traditional, less productive “craft work” is
more interesting than homogenized, high-output information work.
Because these attitudes represent an individual choice on some level,
capitalism tells us that it is okay to punish those who hold them by
consigning them and their labor to the lowest-value rungs on the
occupational ladder.
The
question is, do we want to allow the market to dictate values in this
way? Are those attitudes toward work really “choices,” or are they
closer in some ways to religious views, which Americans have no problem
respecting on the level of an inherent trait?
In
my professional role, I am obliged to rationalize the triumph of
information work and provide a compelling narrative that includes
positive scenarios for workers as well as capitalists. I am sympathetic
to the values of the information work economy and sincerely believe
that technology, communication, dissolution of boundaries, and
rationalization of practices are the best way to achieve material and
moral progress for the human race. At the same time, I can’t ignore the
ways that those opinions are shaped by self interest. My skills and
values are well-suited to this vision of work and society, which has,
in many ways, been designed by people like me, to insure that people
like me can succeed economically.
It’s
comforting to imagine that anyone could be economically successful if
only they embraced my values, my outlook, my tolerance for risk and
change, and my attitude toward the importance of learning and
information. Indeed, it’s so comforting that this has become the
dominant paradigm in 21st century American culture. It
conveniently aligns moral virtue with economic rewards, and absolves
the successful of responsibility for those left out, since it is, after
all, their choice.
However,
this exclusive focus on conscious choice, on humans as
economically-rational creatures, is not the whole story. There are
complicated factors that shape our attitudes toward work, factors that
are far less susceptible to choice than we can afford to admit.
Accommodating these factors and doing justice to the wider range of
fundamentally moral attitudes toward work requires our
institutions to assume some of the burdens of adjustment, rather than
forcing those burdens exclusively onto the workers themselves. We know
this is true, but acknowledging it implies criticism of the market
economy, the fount from which our prosperity springs.
It’s
a complicated problem, but by addressing it honestly, we can ensure
that the progress promised by the information work economy is
sustainable. It’s not a matter of guilt: it’s enlightened
self-interest. Traditionalists around the world perceive the threat
posed by capitalism to their strongly-held values, and their responses
are not always either sophisticated or civil. It’s not necessary to
compromise with the substance of these people’s views when they are
incompatible with our liberal ideas of freedom and human dignity, but
it would be helpful to draw the emotional sting from their message by
addressing the genuine fear (largely economic insecurity) that is
central to their appeal.
By
accommodating a wider range of views and attitudes toward work, and
doing our best to ensure that those who hold them have both social
status and economic prospects, we make the platform that enables our
own success less brittle and top-heavy. We need to recognize that, by
insisting on advocating a single set of economic (and, by implication,
moral and intellectual) values without giving any moral credence to
crticis, we are creating the preconditions for a backlash that
threatens all the progress we have made so far. It’s not hard to see
those seams appearing today. It remains to be seen whether we choose to
recognize and respond to the difficult underlying problem, or persist
in the comforts of our facile assumptions.